Igwe Williams Ezugwu is the Eze Ogbozzarra III of Opi Kingdom in Enugu State and a former Secretary-General of the Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP). In this interview with FELIX NWANERI, he speaks on governance as it affects the South East and the role of traditional rulers in Nigeria’s security architecture
The recent revelation that the SouthEast was excluded from the N380 billion Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund for Food Security and Irrigation Development Projects has sparked outrage. How do you view this development?
Let me begin by saying that this exclusion is not only disheartening but a clear violation of the principles of fairness, equity, and national integration upon which a true federal system must rest.
Exclusion of the South-East from such a significant national infrastructure programme is not just a political or economic issue; it is a moral one.
We must ask ourselves: how can a region with millions of Nigerians, contributing in no small measure to the development and unity of this nation, be systematically left out of a national development agenda? Some have attempted to justify this exclusion by calling it an “oversight.”
But let us be honest with ourselves; how can a government make such a colossal “mistake” in a budget running into hundreds of billions without realizing that one of the six geopolitical zones has been completely omitted?
If this was truly an oversight; why wasn’t it the SouthWest, the North Central, or any other region? Why is it always the South-East that is conveniently forgotten? This pattern has occurred too many times for it to be considered accidental. It appears more like a deliberate act of marginalisation.
Given the circumstances; what concrete steps would you recommend as a remedy?
The first and most immediate step must be a public and transparent investigation into how such exclusion came to be. The Senate must summon the responsible Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs) to explain why the South-East was excluded. If we truly want to uphold democratic governance and national unity, we cannot continue to sweep injustices under the carpet.
This is a budget of national importance and all Nigerians, regardless of their region, have a stake in it. Moreover, I call on the Federal Government to immediately review and revise the allocation to include the South-East, not as an afterthought or a favour, but as an equal partner in the Nigerian project.
This must also go beyond infrastructure to include federal appointments, employment opportunities, and citing of institutions. The policy of exclusion has gone on for far too long, and if it continues, it will only deepen the lack of trust that already threaten our national unity.
Do you perceive this as part of a larger, systemic issue against the SouthEast?
Absolutely, and let me be very clear on this: What we are witnessing is not an isolated incident. It is part of a broader, long-standing systemic marginalisation of the South-East.
From federal appointments to the distribution of national resources, and even in matters of political consideration, the South-East has consistently been placed at a disadvantage.
We are not asking for charity, we are demanding our constitutional rights as equal citizens of this country. You see, the danger of this systemic exclusion is not only that it breeds agitation and anger among our people, but it also undermines the legitimacy of the Nigerian state in our region.
When a people begin to feel that they have no stake in the system, that the system does not care about their wellbeing, then you are only planting seeds of alienation and future instability. This should not be allowed in any country that wants to make serious progress.
Talking about marginalisation of the South-East, there was widespread outcry from the zone regarding the mass failure in the last Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME), especially due to technical glitches and systemic failures attributed to the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB). What is your take on that?
What happened during the last UTME exercise was nothing short of a national embarrassment and another example of the ongoing marginalisation of the South-East, which must be condemned.
You know, we are dealing with an institutional failure and to be candid, the tearful apology of the JAMB Registrar on national television, while perhaps emotional, is not a remedy. Tears do not replace the pain and frustration these young students and their families went through.
The danger of this systemic exclusion is not only that it breeds agitation and anger among our people, but it also undermines the legitimacy of the Nigerian state in our region
How do you erase the fact that an institution entrusted with shaping the academic future of our children failed them? The most honourable thing for the Registrar of JAMB to do at this point is to resign.
In civilized nations, public officers take full responsibility for slightest failures under their watch and quit, and in this case, the JAMB Registrar cannot continue to excuse incompetence because he showed public emotion by crying. It is time for our leaders and their appointees to be held accountable. So, he should resign now.
What is your perspective on the role of traditional rulers in national governance, particularly under the current constitution?
The Nigerian Constitution as it stands today does not recognise or assign any significant role to traditional rulers. This is a serious oversight and one that is having negative consequences on both governance and security across the country.
The traditional institution is perhaps the oldest form of governance in Nigeria, and it remains the most rooted in the grassroots. We are the bridge between the people and the government.
Yet, we have been relegated to ceremonial roles, with no clear mandate or institutional authority. This exclusion is not only unfair but also counter-productive. In many of our communities, traditional rulers are the first point of contact for resolving conflicts, maintaining order, and preserving culture.
But because we are not recognized by the constitution, we have no formal responsibilities or resources to carry out these roles effectively. It’s like asking a doctor to heal a patient without giving him a hospital, tools, or even permission to practice.
How would the inclusion of traditional rulers in the security architecture improve the country’s security situation? If traditional rulers were constitutionally empowered and structurally integrated into the national security apparatus, we would become one of the most effective intelligence-gathering and crime-prevention arms in the country.
Every traditional ruler knows his domain very well because most us grew up there. We know who lives where, who comes in, and who leaves.
We are able to detect unusual behaviour and raise red flags quickly for security agencies and other government institutions to take appropriate action. Right now, because we have no formal role, our hands are tied.
We may notice a suspicious activity, but we are not part of any security council. We don’t have access to decision-makers in the police or military.
And even when we do report things, there is often no swift action because we are not seen as integral part of the system. Integrating traditional rulers into security councils at the local, state and even national levels will create a decentralized but efficient network of early-warning systems.
This could be vital in addressing banditry, kidnapping, and insurgency, which often start from the grassroots and go undetected until they spiral out of control. What concrete actions would you recommend to enhance the role of traditional rulers in governance and security?
First, there must be a constitutional amendment to define and assign roles to traditional institutions within Nigeria’s federal structure.
We need legal backing, not just recognition in ceremonies and festivals. This amendment should spell out our responsibilities in community policing, conflict resolution, and even participation in development planning.
Second, state and local governments should formally include traditional rulers in their executive councils, especially those related to security and community development.
There should be a budgetary allocation for the activities of traditional institutions, just as is done for ministries and agencies.
Lastly, there should be a national dialogue involving traditional rulers from all regions, policymakers, and civil society to draft a new framework for traditional governance in the 21st century.
Only then can we maximize the value of our deep-rooted traditional institutions for national development.
What is your message to the government and the people of Nigeria?
My message is simple but urgent: Nigeria must return to the path of justice, equity, and inclusiveness. No region should be left behind, and no institution that can contribute to our development should be ignored. Let us rise above politics and prejudice to build a truly united and prosperous country.
Exclusion of the South-East from national projects and the sidelining of traditional rulers are both symptoms of a larger problem, a system that fails to accommodate all its parts. But we can fix it. The time to act is now. For the sake of future generations, let us build a Nigeria that works for everyone.
