• How PDP lost steam after 16yrs
• Dominance at national, sub-national levels

FELIX NWANERI writes on how the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) dominated Nigeria’s political landscape for 16 years and the party’s unending dwindling fortunes after its defeat in the 2015 elections and a possible extinction ahead of the 2027 polls

There is no doubt that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) is one of the country’s dominant political parties in the present political dispensation – the Fourth Republic. The party, which prides itself as “Africa’s largest political party” had before its defeat in the 2015 presidential election, won four consecutive presidential polls – 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011.

The PDP equally controlled more than two-third of elective positions at the federal, state and local government levels within the period. However, the leadership of the party got carried away at a time and boasted that PDP will rule Nigeria for 60 years before any other party can unseat them.

The boast was despite the fact that the PDP was opposition to itself all through the 16 years it was in power as internal wrangling over jostle tickets for the various elective offices, usually polarise the party every general election circle, particularly among presidential aspirants; first term governors, who were bent on running for second terms, and outgoing governors, who insist on anointing their successors against the wishes of party members.

In 2003, for instance, some governors elected on the party’s platform wanted to replace then President Olusegun Obasanjo, who was seeking for a second term. Their choice was Atiku Abubakar, then vice president. He shunned the offer, opting to run on a joint ticket with his principal, but the dust raised over the plot, pitted Obasanjo with Atiku and the governors.

It was a similar story in some state chapters of the party as those who contested the governorship primaries with then incumbent governors were forced to quit the PDP for the opposition parties to actualize their dreams. Most of the defectors later returned to the party and some of them were offered appointments to, perhaps, calm frayed nerves. But some political watchers posited then that the reconciliation was a make-believe one that would not stand the test of time..

As predicted, the bubble burst again in the build up to the 2007 general election as the PDP witnessed more polarization. Several state chapters of the party saw the emergence of factional executives that went as far as conducting their own congresses. The climax was the setting up of a factional national secretariat in Abuja by the Chief Solomon Lar-led factcon (now late and first national chairman of the party).

Some then governors elected on the platform of the party masterminded the plot and they were backed by several members of the party in the National Assembly at the time, who stood against the alleged third term agenda of then President Olusegun Obasanjo. Although the idea of a faction was said to have been considered as an option by the Lar group to win control of the party’s structure from the Obasanjo/Ahmadu Ali (then national chairman) faction, the need to save the political careers of PDP members of the National Assembly was largely responsible for it.

The Ali group was said to have then concluded arrangements to expel the lawmakers over their refusal to support the stand of the party as regards the botched third term bid. The expulsion was due to be announced before the Lar group struck. Also, the botched plot to stop Obasanjo from contesting the 2023 presidential election, which pitted him against Atiku, led to a cold war that degenerated to a bitter political battle by 2006, when Atiku declared his ambition to succeed Obasanjo.

Obasanjo’s insistence that Atiku will not succeed him forced the then vice president to leave the PDP for the Action Congress (AC), which handed him its presidential ticket, but he host the poll to Obasanjo’s anointed candidate – Umaru Yar’Adua. It was row over ideology and presidential ticket in 2010, ahead of the 2011 elections as aggrieved members of the party under the aegis of PDP Reform Group, led by a former Senate President, Ken Nnamani, emerged on the political scene in April 2010, to demand for a return to the ideologies of the party’s founding fathers.

The then leadership of the party under Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, however rose against the “rebels” by suspending them from the party. Among those affected then alongside Nnamani were Senator Adolphus Wabara (also a former Senate President); former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Bello Masari; ex-Governors Peter Odili (Rivers) and Achike Udenwa (Imo).

The party was faced with another challenge after the internal uprising. This time, it was the battle for its presidential ticket for the 2011 general election. Initial calculation was the presidency will remain in the North for eight years (2007- 2015), with Umaru YarÁdua emergence as Obasanjo’s successor, but power shifted unexpectedly to the South as Yar’Adua death in May 2010, saw his vice, Goodluck Jonathan, being sworn-in as president.

Jonathan’s declaration for the 2011 presidential election generated much controversy within the PDP. Although he was able to defeat his closest challenger, Atiku, in the PDP presidential primary election and went ahead to win the general election, his candidacy disrupted the party’s power sharing arrangement.

While successive PDP leaderships were able to suppress the 2003, 2007 and 2010 revolts against the party; that of 2013 proved the last straw that broke the camels’ back. First, the face-off between the then National Chairman, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur and some governors led to the latter’s resignation on January 15, 2014. Tukur had before then insisted that he will not resign on the ground that it is only the party’s convention that can remove him.

With Tukur’s ouster, the PDP, settled for a former governor of Bauchi State, Adamu Mu’azu, as national chairman. His emergence as a consensus candidate followed series of meetings between then President Jonathan, PDP governors and other party bigwigs. Despite the change of guard, the crisis festered. The party lost former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and four of its governors to the then opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) in one fell swoop. The monumental loss was over the party’s presidential ticket as Jonathan was granted an automatic for the 2015 elections.

The decision, which was hinged on the Right of First Refusal led to the affirmation of his candidacy at the party’s national convention despite insistence by some members of the party that the contest for the ticket be thrown open. Perhaps, the power play explained why the then ruling party went into the 2015 elections a divided house and was handed a shocking defeat. The PDP, not only lost the ultimate prize – the presidency, but most of the states it hitherto controlled and its majority in the National Assembly. While the aftermath of the 2015 elections left the PDP with bruises, measures were put in place shortly after the polls to rebuild the party.

The rebuilding effort, however, turned a mirage, when the party got hijacked by a former governor of Borno State, Ali Modu Sheriff. Consequently, attention shifted on how to free the party from Sherrif’s grip. Report had it then that besides the chairmanship of the party, the former governor’s main target was the 2019 presidential ticket of the party. However, Sheriff’s sack as national chairman at the party’s national convention on May 21, 2016, did not bring the envisaged peace.

The battle for the soul of the PDP shifted to the courts as the Sheriff-led National Working Committee (NWC) and National Caretaker Committee led by a former Kaduna State governor, Ahmed Makarfi, respectively, claimed to be the authentic leadership of the party. As a way out, some chieftains of the party advocated an out of court settlement but both camps remained adamant to such call.

The legal battle got to a height ahead of the September 2016 governorship election in Ondo State and it was the Makarfi faction that triumphed after the Court of Appeal sitting in Abuja, recognised the winner of the primary election it conducted – Eyitayo Jegede – as PDP’s candidate for the poll.

Though the party lost the Ondo governorship election to the APC, members of the Makarfi faction viewed the judgement as one that affirmed their claim to the leadership of the PDP. Sheriff, however, appealed against the judgement and it was a setback for the Makarfi’s camp, when the Court of Appeal sitting in Port Harcourt, confirmed the former Borno governor as PDP national chairman.

The battle later moved to the Supreme Court, which on July 12, 2017, reinstated Makarfi as the chairman of National Caretaker Committee of the party. With Sherrif out of the way, the next battle was that for the party’s presidential ticket for the 2019 elections. Like in the past, party leaders and chieftains realigned tto push for the candidacy of their preferred aspirants. As expected, the realignment caused a division within the party.

For instance, the ambition of the then governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal that had the endorsement of his then Rivers State counterpart, Wike, pitted their camp against that of Atiku. While the former vice president triumphed in a keenly contested presidential primary that held in Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital, he lost the main election to the then president – Muhammadu Buhari. After losing the presidency in 2015, the PDP witnessed what could be described as its worse internal wrangling during the build-up to the 2023 elections.

The crisis began with the battle for the party’s structure that saw the removal of the then National Chairman, Prince Uche Secondus, in October 2021. The belief of those who spearheaded his ouster was that it will bring cohesion to the party ahead of the 2023 elections. Whereas the Secondus must-go campaigners led by then Governor Wike, reasoned that the then PDP chairman lacked what it takes to lead the party to victory in the 2023 polls, some discerning political minds expressed the view that the bone of contention was control of the party’s structure by those who had their eyes on the 2023 presidential ticket.

The pro and anti-Secondus camps, however, reached a sort of compromise by bringing forward the national convention that was earlier scheduled for December 2021. But, in a twist, some members of the party approached a High Court in Rivers State, which granted an interim order that restrained Secondus from parading himself as the national chairman of the party.

The party subsequently named Yemi Akinwonmi, Deputy National Chairman (South) as acting chairman. Hours later, a Kebbi State High Court ordered the return of Secondus as national chairman. Before then, the PDP had announced October 30 and 31, 2021, as dates for the conduct of its national convention that saw the emergence of a former President of the Senate, Iyorchia Ayu, as national chairman.

Ayu, a consensus candidate, took over the leadership of the PDP alongside 20 others elected into various positions of the NWC and it was envisaged that the party was on a good stead in its bid to return to power.

What however ensued was another round of infighting over the party’s presidential ticket for the 2023 general election. As expected, the May 28, 2022, presidential primary election of the party was characterised by high level politicking that pitted the aspirants against each other.

The contest was however won by Atiku, who polled 371 votes to defeat his major challenger, Wike, who garnered 237 votes. While most of the presidential aspirants pledged to rally behind Atiku and work for the success of the party in the presidential election, there was no doubt that the PDP further suffered polarization thereafter.

Matters became worse over Atiku’s choice of then governor of Delta State, Ifeanyi Okowa, as his running mate. The then Rivers State governor accused party stakeholders from the South of betrayal and later ruled out support for Atiku as long as Ayu remained in office as the party’s national chairman.

Several meetings were held to reconcile both camps but nothing came out of them. The crisis culminated in five of the party’s governors known as G5 – Wike, Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), Seyi Makinde (Oyo) and Samuel Ortom (Benue) – withdrawing support for Atiku and there is no disputing the fact that the party went into the 2023 elections a divided house and Atiku consequently lost to the candidate of the APC, Bola Tinubu.

2003: Won presidency and 28 states

The PDP consolidated its grip on power in the 2003 elections. While Obasanjo was re-elected as president, the party extended the number of states under its control to 28, but later lost Anambra to APGA in 2006 through the court.

This reduced the number of PDP-controlled states to 27. The party retained Abia, Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Anambra, Bauchi, Bayelsa, Benue, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Edo, Enugu, Imo, Kaduna, Kano, Niger, Katsina, Nasarawa, Plateau, Rivers and Taraba states, which it won in 1999, and took four out of the five South Western states won by AD in 1999.

They are Ekiti, Ogun, Ondo, Osun and Oyo states. Gombe, Kwara and Kogi states that were formerly under the APP also fell to the PDP. The party also extended its control in the legislature. Its seats in the Senate increased from 59 to 76, while that of the House of Representatives jumped from 206 to 223.

2007: Won presidency and 27 states

In 2007, the PDP nominated the then governor of Katsina State, Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, as its presidential candidate. This followed the party’s zoning arrangement. Yar’Adua, a northerner, picked Goodluck Jonathan, a southerner, was the then governor of Bayelsa State as his running mate and he went ahead to win the presidential election.

In the governorship election, the party won in 27 states – Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Benue, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Edo, Ekiti, Enugu, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Kogi, Kwara, Nasarawa, Niger, Ogun, Ondo, Osun Oyo, Plateau, Rivers, Sokoto and Taraba. APP, which had then transformed to All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), won in Bauchi, Borno, Kano, Yobe and Zamfara. A new party – Progressives Peoples Party (PPA) won in Abia and Imo states, while Action Congress (AC), won in Lagos State. The PDP later lost Edo, Ekiti and Osun to AC through the courts, while Ondo went the same way to Labour Party (LP) to reduce the number of states controlled by the party to 23.

However, what the party lost through the courts, it gained through defection. Then governors of Imo and Abia states, who were elected on the platform of the PPA as well as their Zamfara counterpart (ANPP), jumped ship to the then ruling party, raising PDP’s states to 26.

The PDP also maintained its control of the National Assembly. In the Senate, its seats jumped from 76 in 2003 to 87, while that of the House of Representatives jumped from to 223 to 263. While the presidency was to remain in the North for eight years (2007-2015), power shifted unexpectedly to the South in May 2010, following Yar’Adua’s death.

2011: Won presidency and 23 states

Jonathan’s announcement of his intention to contest the 2011 presidential election in September 2010 generated much controversy within the PDP. However, Jonathan’s victory over his closest challenger in the primary election, former Vice President Atiku, showed that he had support of party leaders despite that his candidacy was a deviation from the party’s rotation policy.

He went ahead to win the presidential election, which was deemed largely free and fair by international observers. In the 31 states, where governorship election held, the PDP won 23 – Abia, Adamawa, Akwa Ibom, Bauchi, Bayelsa, Benue, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Enugu, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Kogi, Kwara, Niger, Plateau, Rivers, Sokoto and Taraba. It later got Ondo from LP to extend its controlled states to 24.

The ANPP won in three states – Borno, Yobe and Zamfara, while AC, which transformed to Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), also won in three states – Lagos, Ogun and Oyo states. APGA and Congress for Progressives Change (CPC) won in Imo and Nasarawa states, respectively. Governorship elections did not hold in Anambra, Edo, Ekiti, Ondo and Osun due to the interregnum over interventions by the courts. In the National Assembly election, the PDP’s seats in the Senate dropped to 71 from 87. That of the House of Representatives also dropped to 203 from 263.

2015: Lost presidency, won nine states

By 2015, the PDP, which had been in power at the centre for 16 years, was at a crossroads during the build-up to the general election as a result of infighting, which led to several members leaving the party. Prominent among those who left the party at the time were five governors – Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano), Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto), Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara), Murtala Nyako (Adamawa) and Chibuike Amaechi (Rivers). They were before their defection locked in a battle with the presidency and the then National Chairman of the party, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur, over alleged high handedness.

Other chieftains, who dumped the then ruling party were former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, then President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki and the splinter faction of the PDP (New PDP) led by Alhaji Abubakar Kawu Baraje. Attention shifted to the contest for the PDP presidential ticket for the 2015 elections shortly after their defection to the then newly registered All Progressives Congress (APC) – a merger of the ACN, CPC, ANPP and a faction of APGA.

A plot was muted to grant automatic tickets to Jonathan and serving governors of the party, who were seeking for second term. Though the plan further polarised the party, those behind it insisted that the Right of First Refusal will lead to an affirmation of Jonathan’s candidature at the PDP national convention in line with practices in other presidential system of governments like the United States.

The then chairman of PDP Board of Trustees (BoT), Chief Tony Anenih, who championed the campaign, argued that the option will put an end to the wrangling that usually characterise the party’s primary elections. He also suggested the extension of the gesture to “performing members” of the National Assembly, even though their tenure or number of terms they can enjoy is not circumscribed by the constitution. Expectedly, the proposal sailed through and Jonathan emerged through a consensus at the PDP’s national convention.

He polled all the 2,812 “Yes” votes cast by delegates at the convention. Thus, the stage was set for the battle for the 2015 presidency between him and a former Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari, following the latter’s emergence as the presidential candidate of the APC.

2019: Lost presidency, won 14 states

While most members of the PDP were optimistic of their party’s possible return to power at the level of the presidency during the build-up for the 2019 elections, some analysts, however, saw it as a tall dream given the intrigues that characterised the party’s national convention, which produced Atiku Abubakar as presidential candidate.

As predicated, Atiku lost to then President Buhari in the in the February 23, 2019 presidential election. Buhari, who was the candidate of the APC polled 15.1 million votes to defeat Atiku, who garnered 11.2 million votes. Buhari won in 19 states, while Atiku won in 17 states.

The loss, notwithstanding, it was resurgence for the PDP as it added more states to its kitty. The party won 14 states in the governorship elections as against nine in 2015. Remarkably, PDP took-over four APC controlled states – Adamawa, Imo, Oyo and Bauchi. The PDP’s candidates defeated APC incumbent governors in Adamawa and Bauchi states.

APC, on its part, won the gubernatorial elections in 15 states. Two of the states were PDP controlled states – Gombe and Kwara. In the National Assembly elections, APC won 66 Senate seats, PDP (42) and Young Progressive Party (YPP) won one.

For the House of Representatives, it was APC (192), PDP (116), African Democratic Congress (ADC – seven), All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA – five), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP – four), Action Alliance (AA – two), while Action Democratic (ADP), Allied Peoples Movement (APM), Labour Party (LP) and Social Democratic Party (SDP) had one seat each.

2023: Lost presidency, won nine states

The PDP lost the presidential election for the third consecutive time in the 2023 elections. Its candidate, Atiku, was defeated by Bola Tinubu of the APC by 8.7 million votes against 6.9 million votes. Peter Obi of Labour Party placed third with 6.1 million, while Rabiu Kwankwaso of New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) polled 1.4 million votes.

In the governorship election that held in 28 states, the PDP had nine victories. They include two returning governors – Seyi Makinde (Oyo) and Bala Mohammed (Bauchi) and seven first-term governors – Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom), Siminialayi Fubara (Rivers), Kefas Agbu (Taraba), Caleb Mutfwang (Plateau), Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta), Dauda Lawal (Zamfara) and Peter Mbah (Enugu).

The APC won in 15 states, including seven re-elections for Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), Dapo Abiodun (Ogun), AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq (Kwara), Inuwa Yahaya (Gombe), Mai Mala Muni (Yobe), Abdullahi Sule (Nasarawa), Babagana Zulum (Borno). Those who won as first term governors are Umar Namadi (Jigawa), Ahmed Aliyu Sokoto (Sokoto), Dikko Radda (Katsina), Uba Sani (Kaduna), Bassey Otu (Cross River), Mohammed Bago (Niger), Hyacinth Alia (Benue), and Francis Nwifuru (Ebonyi) While APC took over Sokoto and Benue from PDP, the PDP took over Plateau and Zamfara from the APC.

The NNPP, in a stunning upset, snatched Kano from APC, while Labour Party unseated PDP in Abia. The gubernatorial elections did not hold in eight states – Ekiti, Osun, Edo, Ondo, Bayelsa, Anambra, Imo and Kogi – which are out of the general election cycle. In the National Assembly elections, APC secured 59 seats, PDP (37), Labour Party (eight), NNPP (two), Social Democratic Party (SDP – two), APGA (one), Young Progressives Party (YPP – one).

That of House of Representatives was APC (162 seats), followed by the PDP with 102 seats, Labour Party (34), NNPP (18) and APGA (four). African Democratic Congress (ADC) and SDP won two seats each, while YPP won one seat. After the 2023 election, APC-controlled states stood at 20 states, PDP (13), APGA (one), NNPP (one) and Labour Party (one).

The number of states controlled by the PDP, however, dropped to 12 after the party’s loss of Edo State to the APC in the September 2024 governorship election. PDP-controlled states further dropped to 11, following the defection of Delta State governor, Sheriff Oborevwori, to the ruling party with the entire structure of the PDP in the state.

2027: Leadership tussle leaves party at crossroads

While the G5’s action, among other factors contributed to PDP’s loss of the presidential 2023 election, expectation after the poll was that the PDP leadership would put its house in order and rebuild ahead of the 2027 general election, however the pre-2023 elections crisis has continued to fester. Besides the issue of Ayu’s continued stay in office as national chairman, the NWC’s suspension and expulsion of some chieftains of the party shortly after the elections triggered another round of crisis.

Among those slammed with suspension were a former President of the Senate, Anyim Pius Anyim and ex-governor of Ekiti State, Ayo Fayose, while Ortom was referred to the party’s disciplinary committee for alleged anti-party activities.

The party had prior to the elections (February 10, 2023) expelled a former governor of Enugu State, Chimaroke Nnamani; Oluwajomiloju Fayose (son of ex-Governor Fayose0; Hon. Chris Ogbu (Imo), Ajijola Oladimeji (Ekiti), Olayinka Olalere (Ekiti), Akerele Oluyinka (Ekiti) and Emiola Adenike (Ekiti) over anti-party activities.

The gale of suspension assumed another dimension, when the executive committee of the PDP in Igyorov Ward of Gboko Local Government Area of Benue State, on March 26, 2023, announced Ayu’s suspension with immediate effect. Ayu was accuses of anti-party activities which contributed to PDP’s loss in his ward and local government in the governorship election. He was also accused of not paying his annual dues and that he did not vote during the governorship and state Assembly elections held on March 18, 2023.

Ayu, not only dismissed the claims, but alleged that the executive of Igyorov Ward were doing the bidding of those he described as political gamblers. He maintained that the PDP constitution forbids any organ at the ward level from taking disciplinary measures against members of the party’s NEC. In a counter-move, the Benue State Working Committee (SWC) of the PDP announced the suspension of the Igyorov ward.

While many saw the action as a move to save Ayu, the cards crumbled, when a High Court in Makurdi, the Benue State capital, issued an interim injunction restraining Ayu from parading himself as PDP national chairman. Reacting to the ruling, the PDP, on March 28, 2023, appointed its Deputy National Chairman (North), Damagum, as acting National Chairman. However, Damagum was continually under fire over what some members of the party described as rudderless leadership until the Ibadan convention that saw an end to his reign.

The crisis assumed another dimension when Wike’s camp and some PDP governors led by Seyi Makinde (Oyo) and Bala Mohammed (Bauchi) squared against each other ahead of the forthcoming 2027 elections, Wike, who was rewarded by President Bola Tinubu for his support for the All Progressives Congress APC in the 2023 presidential election, has repeatedly endorsed the President for a second term, while the governors under the aegis of PDP Governors’ Forum wanted to have one of their own, possibly Makinde, emerge as the party’s presidential candidate.

It was against this backdrop that some analysts predicted a stormy session during the 98th National Executive Committee (NEC) meeting of the party in August 2024. The belief ahead of the meeting was that the NEC would sanction members, who engaged in anti-party activities during the 2023 elections. It was also believed that Damagum would revert to his position as Deputy National Chairman (North) to pave the way for election of national chairman, possibly from the North Central, where Ayu hails from.

While the anticipated storm was carefully evaded by the PDP’s leadership and stakeholders apparently to save the party from implosion, there was no pretense on the need for genuine reconciliation hence the appointment a former Senate President and ex-governor of Kwara State, Dr. Bukola Saraki to lead the initiative. The party, in the same vein, appointed a former governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel, as chairman of the disciplinary committee to look into allegations of antiparty against some members during the last general election.

Interestingly, little or nothing was heard about activities of the Saraki and Emmanuel committees and it was against this backdrop that many predicted that peace was not yet in sight. As foretold, controversy greeted the state congress held in September 2024, with the leadership of the party confirming shortly after the exercise that it received complaints from 12 states.

While intervention of some stakeholders of the party doused the dust over the state congresses, the party was enmeshed in another crisis over its national secretaryship as Samuel Anyanwu and Sunday Ude-Okoye laid claim to the position. The crisis stemmed from Anyanwu’s selection as the PDP governorship candidate for Imo State in 2023 and the party’s South-East caucus nominated UdeOkoye to replace him.

Whereas the Makinde/Bala and Wike factions have held national conventions to elect their respective NWC members, the PDP crisis has continued to fester and for the first time since 2023, the party would be going into a general election without a governor, serving on its platform. This is even as the two warring factions continue to claim legitimacy despite a recent Supreme Court judgement that nullified the Ibadan convention by the Makinde.Bala camp as well as upheld the suspension Anyanwu and others thereby leaving both factions at a crossroad.

The former ruling party had before the judgement of the apex court, lost eight of its governors and over 80 per cent of National Assembly members. The governors are Sheriff Oborevwori (Delta), Umo Eno (Akwa Ibom), Peter Mbah (Enugu), Douye Diri (Bayelsa), Siminalyi Fubara (Rivers), Agbu Kefas (Taraba) and Caleb Mutfwang (Plateau), who joined the APC, while Ademola Adeleke (Osun) joined Accord Party. The last governors standing – Makinde and Bala – recently left for the Allied Peoples Movement (APM) given the believe in some quarters that the PDP may not field candidates for the 2027 elections over the judgement of the Supreme Court. The Bauchi and Oyo governors would be contesting the senatorial and presidential elections respectively on the platform of the APM.