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- High-stakes as Atiku, Obi, Amaechi,
- Nwajiuba declare for ADC presidential ticket
FELIX NWANERI reports that the mind game being played by arrowheads of the opposition coalition on the platform of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) seems to be over as some them have started making public, their intentions to vie for the party’s ticket for the 2027 presidential election
Despite multi-party system in place in most African nations, transfer of power between rival parties has been rare. Control of state institutions by siting presidents and its attendant flow of patronage, has continued to generate a strong incumbency bias, which explains why several countries have witnessed elections without change.
While records show that only a handful of sub-Saharan Africa leaders lost re-election bids to candidates of the opposition parties during the postcolonial era, there is no doubt that the incumbency factor is rapidly waning in the continent and the tempo even seems to have increased since after the historic defeat of Goodluck Jonathan by Muhammadu Buhari in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election.
The Nigerian experience, which opened a new chapter in the country’s political history, being the first time the opposition would defeat a ruling party in a presidential election, perhaps, reinforced the belief that prospects for opposition’s success are not conditioned by whether or not the incumbent stands for re-election.
For instance, two sitting African presidents – Gambia’s long-term ruler, Yahyah Jammeh and Ghana’s John Mahama – were unseated in quick succession by the opposition immediately after the Nigerian experience of 2015. Whereas the trend continued after that, the year, 2024, was remarkable as it saw five transfers of power in Africa – Ghana, Botswana, Senegal, Mauritius, Senegal and the self-declared Republic of Somaliland.
Even in cases where the incumbents did not lose, their reputation and political control were severely dented. In South Africa, the ruling African National Congress (ANC) retained power but only after a bruising campaign that saw it fall below 50 per cent of the votes in a national election for the first time since the end of white-minority rule in 1994.
This forced President Cyril Ramaphosa to enter into a coalition government, giving up 12 cabinet positions to other parties, including powerful positions such as Home Affairs. The only exceptions were countries like Chad and Rwanda, where elections were seen as neither free nor fair or nations where the ruling parties were accused by the opposition of resorting to a combination of rigging and repression to avert defeat.
In Botswana, Mauritius and Senegal, where citizens concern over corruption and abuse of power eroded government credibility, opposition leaders were able to leverage anger over nepotism, economic mismanagement and the failure of leaders to uphold the rule of law to expand their support base. The perception that governments were mishandling the economy was particularly important because many people experienced a tough year financially as high cost of living for millions of citizens increased their frustration with the status quo.
Besides economic hardship, defeats of some of Africa’s incumbents in 2024, was informed by youth-led protests. However, what was perhaps more distinctive about transfers of power in Africa of recent was the way opposition parties learnt from the past. In some cases, such as Mauritius, the opposition developed new ways of protecting votes, which includes ensuring that every stage of the electoral process was carefully watched.
In other countries, it meant forging new coalitions to present the electorate with a united front. In Botswana, for example, three opposition parties and a number of independent candidates came together under the banner of the Umbrella for Democratic Change to comprehensively outmobilise the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP).
It is against these backdrops that some analysts are of the view that it will not be a tea party for Nigeria’s ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), which will go to the polls in 2027 amidst struggle by President Bola Tinubu’s government to overcome rising public anger over the state of the economy and rising insecurity.
Nigeria’s main opposition leaders, had in July 2025, announced the formation of a coalition under the aegis of African Democratic Congress (ADC) through which they intend to wrest power from the ruling APC. Their adoption of the ADC was after several back-and-forth movements, including moves that initially linked them with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and application for registration of a new political party – All Democratic Alliance (ADA).
However, following adoption of the ADC by the opposition leaders, the Raph Nwosuled National Working Committee (NWC) voluntarily resigned to make way for the emergence of David Mark (a former Senate president) and Rauf Aregbesola (a former governor of Oyo State) as national chairman and national secretary, respectively.
Opposition leaders in the coalition include a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar; the presidential candidate of Labour Party (LP) in 2023 election, Peter Obi; a former Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, ex-Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai; former Speaker of the House of Representatives and immediate past governor of Sokoto State, Aminu Tambuwal and a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal.
While euphoria greeted the choice of ADC by the opposition leaders, particularly over defections to the APC and leadership crises that decimated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Labour Party (LP), analysts pointed to hurdles the opposition coalition must wade through if the dream of its arrowhead to defeat the ruling APC is to materialise.
Key among the hurdles were ambitions of the coalition’s leaders, which according to the analysts say, is likely to make it difficult for them to close ranks, and the power sharing arrangement between the North and South. The analysts opined then that the coalition will hit the rocks if its arrowheads are merely looking for a platform to actualise their individual political ambitions.
This assumption was predicated on the belief that Atiku, Obi and Amaechi are bent on contesting the 2027 presidential election and that none of them is likely to step down for the other.
On power shift, the analysts wondered how leaders of the coalition will resolve the knotty issue of zoning as regards where their presidential candidate will come from, Another concern that was raised at the time was how the Mark-led ADC leadership will convince key leaders of the coalition to collapse their respective political structures into the party.
This fear seemed to have been addressed as almost all the arrowheads of the coalition have formally joined the party, and as expected, has ignited the jostle for the presidential ticket.
Among those who have so far declared interest to fly the ADC presidential flag are Atiku, Obi, Amaechi and the immediate past Minister of Education, Emeka Nwajiuba. This development seemed to have cleared the haze over the belief in some political quarters that the ADC is special purpose vehicle for the actualization of the presidential ambition of one of the coalition’s leaders.
While the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is yet to announce the timetable for the 2027 elections, analysts, who reviewed the unfolding scenario within the ADC, said it is not strange, especially when it is obvious that the incumbent, President Bola Tinubu, has not only declared his reelection bid but has kick-started campaign in that regard in a subtle manner. They, however, said that given the peculiarity of the race to Nigeria’s presidency, early birds in the race for the ADC presidential ticket, particularly those without deep pockets, are likely to run out of steam before the main contest begins.
Atiku rules out stepping down
The former vice-president’s official registration as members of the ADC on November 24, 2025, not only signaled a major realignment in opposition politics ahead of the 2027 general election but confirmed the belief that he will take another shot at the presidency.
However, his bid for the 2027 presidency has continued to face opposition in some political quarters, particularly on account of his age and the power sharing arrangement between the North and South. Atiku is 79 and would be 80 by 2027, and it is against these backdrops that some stakeholders are of the view that he should step aside and support a younger person after six attempts that have seen him made it to the ballot as a presidential candidate on three occasions – 2007, 2019 and 2023. The merit or otherwise of this argument, Atiku’s camp is confident that he will pick the ADC’s ticket if he vies for it.
A former presidential aspirant on the platform of the PDP and known supporter of the former vice-president, Dele Momodu, who has repeatedly pushed back at critics of the Wazirin Adamawa, wondered why they are scared of his ambition. Momodu, not only insist that only God and destiny will determine whether Atiku will achieve his presidential ambition come 2027 or not, he is also of the view that those criticising the former vice-president’s ambition on the basis of age did not support young candidates in 2023 election.
Citing immediate past President of the United States, Joe Biden, and his successor, Donald Trump, as examples of politicians who became presidents at an advanced age, he said: “Age cannot be an automatic qualification or disqualification in politics. It is up to God and destiny. If Atiku decides to run, good luck to him. If he doesn’t want to run, no problem, but nobody should muzzle him.”
On whether Atiku would be a threat to President Tinubu’s re-election bid, Momodu said: “I’m sure they (the critics) believe so. I know those who believe that he is the only one right now. Atiku will be a threat if he is able to galvanise a mega political party. He will be a threat. The mood of the nation is overwhelmingly opposed to the current leader.” Momodu also believes that no southern candidate can take on Tinubu.
“You have to be realistic. It’s a game of numbers and it’s also a game of your network. There’s no one in Nigeria today as experienced, as exposed, as networked as Atiku from 1993, when he stepped down for Chief MKO Abiola in Jos. So, when people mention him, it is based even on what has happened elsewhere. “For anybody to face Tinubu, that person has to come from the opposite direction. Which means it must be someone who can get the North to coalesce behind him.
He must also be someone who has a substantial network in the South and there is no other person I can see who has that kind of network behind him.” While the debate on whether Atiku should quit the political stage ahead of the 2027 elections rages, the fact remains that whatever choice he will make is not likely to be informed by the wishes of his critics as it will amount to succumbing to what many have described as “cheap political blackmail.”
Those who hold this view believe that Atiku’s envisaged emergence as ADC’s presidential candidate is a done deal, considering his political network and financial strength. Others are of the view that adoption of the ADC by leaders of the coalition was solely for Atiku’s 2027 presidential project. These, they say, informs why he has continued to shun entreaties for him to jettison his ambition.
These assumptions, perhaps, informed why the former vice-president, in October 2025, dismissed reports that suggested that he intends to step down for another presidential aspirant ahead of the 2027 elections. Atiku, who spoke with BBC Hausa Service then, was quoted to have expressed willingness to abandon his presidential ambition for a younger, vibrant and acceptable candidate under the ADC.
But a statement by his Media Adviser, Paul Ibe, described such claims as a misrepresentation of his position. Ibe explained that a careful review of both the video and the transcript of the interview showed that Atiku never said, suggested or implied that he intends to step down for anyone.
The statement read in part: “After a thorough review of both the video and transcripts of the interview – in the original Hausa and the English translation – it is evident that at no point did the former vice-president expressly state, suggest, or even imply that he intends to step down for anyone. “What Atiku Abubakar clearly and unambiguously said was that young people, as well as other prospective presidential aspirants, are free to enter the contest. He further stressed that if a young candidate were to emerge through a competitive primary, he would readily support such a candidate without any hesitation.” The clarification by the former vicepresident is understandable.
His bid for Nigeria’s presidency dates back to 1983, when he made an unsuccessful bid after placing third behind Chief MKO Abiola and Alhaji Babagana Kingibe in the presidential primary election of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). In 1998, he was elected as governor of Adamawa State but was picked before his inauguration by the presidential candidate of the PDP, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, as his running mate, and both won the presidential election held in February 1999.
After his first term as vice president, some governors elected on the platform of the then ruling party came up with a plot to deny Obasanjo a second term. The plan was to hand Atiku the party’s presidential ticket in the 2003 general election but he opted for a joint a ticket with his principal and the duo were reelected.
However, the aftermath of the botched plot against Obasanjo, not only pitted Atiku against the then president, the cold war that ensued after their inauguration, degenerated to a bitter political battle by 2006, when Atiku declared ambition to succeed his principal.
Obasanjo’s insistence that Atiku will not succeed him forced the then vice-president to leave the PDP for the Action Congress (AC), which handed him its presidential ticket. The poll was won by the candidate of the PDP and Obasanjo’s anointed, Umaru Yar’Adua, but Atiku rejected the result and called for its cancellation, describing the poll as Nigeria’s “worst election.”
The former vice-president returned to the PDP in 2009. He was selected by the Northern Elders Political Leaders Forum (NPEF) led by a one-time Minister of Finance, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, as the region’s consensus candidate, but was floored by the then acting President, Goodluck Jonathan, who went ahead to win the election.
The 2011 defeat did not deter Atiku as he returned to the political turf again in 2014 for the 2015 presidency. He had before then made good his threat of dumping the PDP over what he described as failure of the party’s leadership to return it to the vision of its founding fathers, following his defection to the then opposition APC.
While many thought that Atiku would be the candidate to beat in the APC presidential primary given his financial strength and political structure, he lost the ticket to a former Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari, who went ahead to win the main election. Atiku returned to his business, but a rumoured ambition sometime in 2017, prompted the belief that he has not foreclosed his presidential ambition.
While the former vice-president described the rumour as the handiwork of political mischief makers, who were out to draw a wedge between him and President Buhari, it was not long before it became clear that he will take another shot at the presidency. However, there was an impediment to this quest – Buhari’s second term bid. This barrier forced Atiku to resign from the APC on November 24, 2017 over the party’s failure to deliver on its promises to Nigerians.
He later returned to the PDP and the stage was set for him to join the 2019 presidential race. As expected, he defeated 11 other aspirants at the party’s national convention held in Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital on December 7, 2018 but lost the election to Buhari by over a million votes. He challenged the outcome of the election but the Supreme Court dashed his hope of turning the table against Buhari. He, however, threw his hat to the ring again immediately INEC blew the whistle for the 2023 general election.
What however ensued over his ambition was infighting over zoning within the PDP. As expected, the May 28, 2022, presidential primary election of the party was characterised by high level politicking that pitted the aspirants against each other. The contest was won by Atiku, who polled 371 votes to defeat his major challenger and the then governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, who garnered 237 votes. However, the PDP’s inability to resolve the pre and postpresidential primary election crisis contributed to Atiku’s loss of the presidential poll.
He polled 6.9 million votes to place second to his APC counterpart, Tinubu, who had 8.7 million votes. Many had thought that Atiku would quit politics after his bid to upturn President Tinubu’s election was dashed by the Supreme Court but he vowed to fight on. He later called on the opposition parties to come together to create a more formidable front that will salvage Nigeria’s democracy from sliding into a one-party state.
His call, no doubt, culminated in the opposition coalition that adopted the ADC as the platform for the 2027 elections, but informs the belief that the former vice president kick-started his 2027 presidential bid immediately after the judgement of the apex court that affirmed Tinubu’s victory in the 2023 elections, and will not likely back down for anyone.
Obi’s camp insists on ticket
While Obi had during the build-up to the formation of the coalition, maintained that he is not against the idea of the opposition parties coming together to challenge the APC, he however insisted that he will never be part of any alliance solely focused on seizing power without prioritising the welfare of citizens.
Apparently, Obi’s position then informed the belief that he would not be part of the coalition, but politics being a game in which nothing is foreclosed, his decision to team up with the other opposition leaders in ADC has not only buoyed the coalition but unsettled some camps within the fold.
His insistence on contesting the 2027 presidential election is viewed as a threat to Atiku’s ambition and there is no doubt that the outcome of the ADC’s presidential primary would be one of the major factors that will determine how far the coalition can go in the main elections.
A pointer to this assumption is the insistence by his camp that it is either the presidential ticket or no deal. The belief among Obididents – Obi’s main supporters – led Yunusa Tanko, is that some people within the coalition are aiming to ride on the former LP presidential candidate’s back to get into office like many did in the 2023 elections even when they do not share his vision of “a new Nigeria.”
No doubt, Obi’s support base is huge and populated by youths, who want a break from the old order, the questions are: Can Obi match Atiku in terms of structure and cash in a primary election given recent experiences; would he accept to be running mate if he fails to get the ticket or move to another party?
While the former Anambra governor is the only one to answer the questions, those urging Obi to pair Atiku as running mate, are of the view that such arrangement is likely to be backed by most voters in the North. But Obi, in a push back, reaffirmed his commitment to the zoning arrangement that rotates power between North and South. He also declared his readiness to serve for four years if elected given that the incumbent, Tinubu, who succeeded Buhari (a northerner that spent eight years in power), would have spent four years by 2027.
“If you take the arrangement which is, understandably, what you can call an unwritten agreement that power would go South and North, and if that arrangement is to be followed strictly, you would see that anybody, not just me, who happens to come from the South as president in 2027, must be ready to leave on May 28 not 29, 2031,” he said. The former Anambra governor, who reiterated his position in a recent interview, however said that the ADC coalition is faltering because it is yet to settle questions on zoning and the rotation of key offices.
He added that the coalition must tidy up loose ends and agree on a shared direction for the country. Asked whether he would remain committed to the coalition even if he is not chosen as its presidential flag bearer, Obi said he is driven by the desire to see Nigeria progress rather than personal ambition. “I’m not desperate to be president of Nigeria, I’m desperate to see Nigeria work,” he said. Despite Obi’s position, his supporters’ insistence on the ADC presidential ticket is practically based on what they termed his acceptance by the electorate.
The 64-yearold former governor’s first attempt at the presidency was in 2023, after running with Atiku in the 2019 elections. He was among the frontrunners for the PDP presidential ticket before he announced his withdrawal from the contest and resignation from the party as well, few days to the primary election.
He later opted for Labour Party and emerged as its candidate. This development, not only turned the party to a movement, but altered the political calculation for the 2023 presidential election. For the first time since 1999, Nigerians witnessed a three-horse presidential contest.
Though Obi was unable to win the election, the massive mobilization by his supporters, mostly youths under the aegis of Obidient Movement and some other Nigerians, who wanted a break from the past, shook the political landscape. The former governor polled 6.1 million votes, winning in 11 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. His influence also contributed to the appreciable number of legislative seats Labour Party won across the country as well as the governorship position in Abia State.
Amaechi insist on open contest
The former governor of Rivers State is a man whose rise to national limelight was quite meteoric. Before 2023, the immediate past Minister of Transportation ranked among those who have been in public office since 1999, when he was elected as a member of the Rivers State House of Assembly and served as its speaker for eight years (1999-2007).
Before then, Amaechi, whose first position in politics was as Secretary of the now defunct National Republican Convention (NRC) in Ikwerre Local Government Area of Rivers State between 1992 and 1994, served as Special Assistant to the deputy governor of Rivers State, Dr. Peter Odili, during the aborted Third Republic.
He equally served as Rivers State Secretary of the Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN) caretaker committee in 1996, during the transition programme of the General Sanni Abacha-led regime. After eight years as speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Amaechi contested and won the PDP’s governorship primary election for the 2007 polls.
His name was, however, substituted by the party and replaced with that of his cousin, Celestine Omehia, an action, he (Amaechi) challenged in court. The matter eventually got to the Supreme Court and Amaechi became governor on October 26, 2007, after the apex court ruled that he was the rightful candidate of the PDP and winner of the 2007 governorship election in Rivers State. He was re-elected for a second term in the 2011 elections.
On leaving office in 2015, he was appointed by President Buhari as Minister of Transportation after serving as the Director-General of his campaign organisation in the 2015 presidential election. He also served in the same capacity in the 2029 elections and was re-appointed as Minister of Transportation. Amaechi contested the APC presidential primary election for the 2023 elections but lost to Tinubu by 316 votes against 1,271 votes.
Declaring for the ADC presidential ticket in August last year, the former Rivers governor, like Obi, equally promised to serve only one term if elected in adherence to the power rotation agreement between the North and South.
“For now, the way Nigeria is, you must stick to that unwritten agreement that says eight years for the South and eight years for the North,” he said. Amaechi also stressed the need for competence, character and credibility over ethnicity in the choice of ADC’s candidate for the 2027 presidential.
He, particularly noted that the South has capable leaders, who can deliver effective governance, “I will contest the ADC presidential primary, and by God’s grace, I hope to win, so that I can face Tinubu in 2027. I am not stepping down for anyone. Let the people decide who they want to lead,” he said.
Nwajiuba harps on competence
The immediate past Minister of State for Education is the latest entrant to the race for the ADC presidential ticket. His declaration signals the entry of someone who intends to ride on experience, policy depth and institutional knowledge to power. This is not the first time the immediate past Minister of State for Education would be running for the presidency.
He was in the race for the 2023 APC ticket alongside Tinubu and others, but pulled out over alleged manipulation of the process. The former chairman of the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFund) insist that it will not be business as usual this time as Nigerians are looking at aspirants with proven integrity and requisite educational and work experience.
With a message anchored on what he described as “competence-first” approach to leadership, Nwajiuba emphasised that Nigeria’s current challenges require leadership driven by clear policies, effective negotiation skills and a strong grassroots political structure rather than rhetoric.
He noted that his years in the legislature, the executive arm of government and key national institutions have equipped him with a broad understanding of governance and public finance. “I declared to run because we’ve come into 2026, the ADC is ready, the coalition has come into the ADC and the party is now set,” Nwajiuba said. He added that the ADC’s strategy is to build grassroots structures and attract Nigerians dissatisfied with the current state of governance.
“This is the time to remind all of our supporters and people who want a change in this madness called governance to come with their entire team,” he said. Responding to criticism that the opposition is recycling familiar political figures, Nwajiuba said the party is seeking a blend of experience, education and energy. He, however, dismissed the idea of political “heavyweights” within the ADC.
The youngest to have so far declared for the ADC presidential ticket, Nwajiuba, equally has a rich political profile like Atiku, Obi and Amaechi. He represented Okigwe South federal constituency in the House of Representatives from 1999 to 2003 and 2019 before his appointment as minister by then President Buhari. He had also contested the governorship position of Imo State on three occasions – 2003, 2007 and 2011.
The posers
While the position of most political stakeholders is that it would be morally wrong for a northerner, whether of ADC or another opposition party’s extraction to succeed Tinubu after North’s eight years in power through Buhari (the immediate past president), there is no doubt that leaders of the coalition are much disposed to allowing aspirants from all parts of the country vie for its presidential ticket.
The present democratic dispensation (Fourth Republic) would be 26 years old by 2027 and the power rotation arrangement, though not constitutional, has seen the South had the presidency for almost 16 years through Olusegun Obasanjo (South-West, 1999-2007) Goodluck Jonathan (South-South, 2010-2015) and Tinubu (2023 to date).
However, by 2027, when Tinubu’s first four years term will elapse, it would be 17 years for the South. For the North, the region has been in power for 10 years through Buhari (2015- 2023) and Umaru Yar’Adua, who succeeded Obasanjo in 2007, but passed on May 5, 2010, barely three years in office.
As it stands the South has almost a six-year advantage over the North but would be seven years by 2027, most Nigerians believe that power shift to the North will negate the rotational agreement. This conviction is despite the clamour by some northern political leaders for their region to return to power in 2027. Their quest is based on what they termed “need for the region to be at par with the South.”
These northern political leaders have even called for abandonment of the zoning arrangement, not only for the Office of President, but for other political offices. However, most political leaders in the South have consistently maintained that canvassing an end to rotational presidency at this point in Nigeria’s history, would not be in national interest.
According to them, Nigeria’s unity is presently under threat that abolishing zoning might aggravate the issues on ground. While many are of the view that the coalition’s bid to unseat Tinubu will only gain traction if a southerner picks the ADC presidential ticket, and perhaps, completes South’s tenure by serving only four years, there are those who believe that the oneterm presidency proposal would not be sellable to the North.
A former spokesperson for the Northern Elders Forum (NEF), Hakeem Baba-Ahmed, who spoke emerging development in the ADC, predicted that the party could face internal crisis and defections after its convention ahead of the 2027 elections. He said the likelihood of Atiku emerging as the party’s presidential candidate may trigger a wave of exits as some interests would feel sidelined. “ADC will bleed after its convention because almost certainly, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar will get the ticket.
When he does, some people will walk out,” he said, noting that the party currently accommodates several high-profile political figures whose ambitions and expectations could collide once the process of selecting a presidential flag-bearer begins. Baba-Ahmed also weighed in on Obi’s, suggesting that his political style may not align with the realities of a fiercely contested party primary.
“One of the reasons Peter Obi is saying, ‘Look at me, I’m not here for number two, I’m not here for convention, I’m here to fly the flag,’ is that he has people who were initially whispering politely to him. But now they are telling him, ‘join the queue, you’re not the only one with ambition here.’”
The former presidential adviser, who acknowledged Obi’s strong public engagement and grassroots appeal, described him as highly visible and politically active nationwide. He, however, maintained that the ex-Labour Party candidate needs to adjust his political approach if he hopes to emerge as the presidential candidate in the coalition-backed primary of the ADC.
“I think Obi is the most travelled politician I’ve seen in recent times, and that’s good for him. He tries to stay in touch with the grassroots, which is good for him. What he needs to do now is to sit down with his people and come to terms with the fact that he’s now running against hard line politicians who also have eyes on the same thing he has his eyes on,” Baba-Ahmed said.
A chieftain of Ohanaeze Ndigbo and founding National Chairman of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), Chief Chekwas Okorie, who also believes that Atiku will pick the ADC ticket, however expressed the belief that Obi will contest the presidential election. His words: “I doubt if Obi will contest the presidential primary election of the ADC or even fly the flag of the party in the main election.
I say this because when Senator David Mark became the national chairman of the party, immediately after their first National Working Committee (NWC) meeting and even before INEC recognised his leadership, they arrived at a decision that zoning of the presidential ticket is completely out of consideration. “They said that the ADC presidential ticket is open to all aspirants irrespective of the section of the country they come from and that whoever wins will fly their flag. They only assured members of the party of a free and fair primary election. They did not mince words about that.
“But recently, Obi made a statement that is quite revealing. He said that the ADC has not clarified the issue of zoning. If I read that statement correctly, he was simply saying that there is an unwritten zoning arrangement which Nigeria has been observing and since the presidency is in the South, it should remain in the region till 2031. “He didn’t put it the way I am putting it but that is my understanding of his statement.
What his statement implies is that it would be wrong for him to be part of any arrangement that will deny the South eight years of presidency as enjoyed by the North under President Muhammadu Buhari. “Obi has also said that he will only do four years if elected in 2027. He also said in another conversation that after the age of 70, he may not run again because he doesn’t believe that old people should remain in the arena forever. In other words, he is saying to everybody that it is now or never.
“So, if ADC is not going to consider the South in respect to the conventional zoning arrangement, it is possible that Obi will look for another platform because he has consistently made it clear that he will contest the 2027 presidency but ADC as presently constituted is not conducive for him. He would be easily knocked out at the primary election if the ticket is not zoned to him directly. “However, I believe that there will be another three-horse presidential election race in 2027 as witnessed in 2023. Atiku is most likely to be the ADC presidential candidate as he doesn’t seem to have any serious challenger.
Of course, President Tinubu has kickstarted his own campaign even when INEC is yet to blow the whistle. So, the 2027 presidency will be an epic battle as I see Tinubu, Atiku and Obi locking horns again.” As events unfold ahead of the 2027 general election and debate on zoning as well as rotational presidency as it concerns the ADC rages, the consensus is that there is nothing wrong with any of the aspirants, who have so far shown interest in the party’s presidential ticket, testing the political waters.
